Wednesday 28 September 2016

Text Analysis - Teacher's model


Suggested topics: theme(s) and structure; importance of the text within the context of the author’s work and time; subject of the enunciation; point of view and effect upon the reader/addressee; rhetoric and linguistic devices and language tropes (descriptive or lyric manner, figures of speech, symbolism, innovation / surprising markers, collocations, or pattern traces within the author’s work); intertextuality with texts studied in this class or others. 


The first two paragraphs of the “Declaration of Independence” constitute the introduction of this consensual document, first drafted by Thomas Jefferson, subsequently altered by a committee and then revised and approved by its signataries, which is an index of the democratic value of this text.
The first paragraph starts with an adverb of time, announcing a change in the state of affairs – “When… it becomes necessary” — whose commanding force is reinstated by a repetition and explicitation in the second paragraph: “the necessity which constrains them to ALTER their former systems of government.” The pressing time is qualified by a series of collocations, stressing humanity and nature. The primacy of the human  (“the course of human events” “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind”) differs from the European tradition of divine right in statements of sovereignty, deriving their power from God, which will be of consequence to the legitimacy of the “truths” further stated. Also, the positionng of the noun phrases “the power of the earth” and “the laws of nature” before the “laws of God” not only develops a similar rhetoric strategy but hints at the priority of “natural right”, alluding to important subtexts of political theory, namely Locke’s Treatises of Government (1689) and Paine’s Common Sense and the Rights of Man (1776).
The second paragraph presents a series of state verbs and generalized subjects (“They are”, “it is”) to propose a number of facts and their corollary, leading to the right and necessity for rebellion. It starts with a collective first-person subject (“We”), which will reappear throughout the document to reference the people who make this claim (opposing them to a single tyrant – the king, “He” – in the subsequent paragraphs). The attribute “self evident” to refer to the stated “truths” is an overdetermined collocation, as it encapsulates the pronoun “self”, alluding to the power of the individual, and the adjective “evident”, which presupposes things that are manifest and proven. At the end of the paragraph, the purpose “to prove” and the announced presentation of “facts” will reinforce this idea.
The truths that are enunciated should be equated with the illuminist and rationalist ideals that led to the revolutions of the end of the 18th century: the American and the French. Equality is the first tenet (“all men are created equal”), though it is interesting to notice the nuance applied to the “inalienable rights” to equality: whereas in Jefferson’s draft these were “inherent” rights, pointing to Locke’s and Paine’s abovementioned theory of “natural rights”, in the final document they are restricted to “certain” rights, perhaps suggesting the necessary limitations imposed by a government that decided not to infringe the institution of slavery. The following tenets are interesting when compared to the French triad, “liberté, equalité, fraternité”. The Declaration of Independence seems to forego, at this point, “fraternity,” in favour of “life” and “the pursuit of happiness”, paving the way to individualism and pragmatism. This underlying ideology resurfaces in the words “safety and happiness” chosen to explicitate the people’s values, which cannot be affected. These are said to be threatened by “a long train of abuses and usurpation,” a slight hyperbole, reinforcing the claim that the struggle for independence is not “for light and transient causes” but for sufferings endured overtime.
Finally, the references to “despotism” and to “tyranny” evince the excesses of power of monarchy, which the world (qualified, in an understatement, as “candid”) must be prepared to question, moving on to new systems of government, as the signataries of the document propose to do. The stance they take, therefore, was perhaps not so much forced by circumstances but meant to be exemplary of a new, democratic state of affairs.
 


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